Post by redstar2000 on Feb 23, 2004 23:41:51 GMT -5
Since ideology is the product of material conditions, could we not then say that Leninism was "inevitable" in the Russia of the Czars?
This was a question addressed to me recently by a "desperate Leninist". He was implying, I suppose, that my criticisms of Lenin are "too harsh" -- Lenin could not be other than what he was, given the material reality of his times.
At the beginning of the 20th century, it was obvious to everyone in the tiny Russian Social-Democratic Labor Party that functioning in the way that social democratic parties functioned in Europe was simply impossible in Czarist Russia.
Even possession of Marxist literature was a crime in Russia then; there was certainly no way a "legal" political party could exist that promoted even western bourgeois ideas, much less Marxism.
But if you are compelled to operate "underground", what changes are required in your political and practical methods to make that "work"?
The first major controversy that Lenin became involved in was a very practical one -- how should a member of the RSDLP be formally defined? Lenin put forward a very "strict" definition: a member was defined as "one who works under the direction of a party group".
If you are operating underground, you want no "loose cannons" rolling about the countryside apt to do or say anything that might hurt the struggle.
Lenin went on to develop this insight into a theory of the revolutionary party as a "combat organization" waging a war against the Czarist autocracy.
Combat organizations have officers and soldiers; those who command and those who must carry out their orders or (quite literally) die trying.
Whether commanders or soldiers, they must be trained professionals -- Lenin heartily despised "amateurs" and "part-timers".
Combat organizations are not "talking shops" or "debating circles" (or, for that matter, internet message boards). The senior members of the party -- "the General Staff" -- might have many heated discussions on the best way forward. They almost all lived in exile and were free to meet as often as they wished, had time to write theoretical articles, etc. But "in the front lines", there's no time for debate and, indeed, it is actually dangerous. Meetings take place only to accomplish immediate practical tasks...too many gatherings can attract police attention.
It's unlikely that Lenin's ideas were "perfectly realized" -- politicized people "like" to argue politics and, especially in the larger Russian cities, I'm sure there was discussion and argument between party members. The Bolshevik wing of the RSDLP was not nearly as "monolithic" in practice as it was "on paper".
But balanced against this must be the fact of Lenin's personal charisma -- his admirers and supporters in the party were, by contemporary accounts, extraordinarily impressed with the man and gave his opinions "the benefit of the doubt".
This in spite of the fact that his conception of a revolutionary combat organization was actually less successful than the somewhat "looser" ideas of his rival Mensheviks -- at the time of the great uprising in Petrograd (February 1917), there were considerably more people (including workers) who supported the Mensheviks than who supported the Bolsheviks.
Of course, the Mensheviks also operated "underground" as did nearly everyone who actually wanted to do anything. But the Mensheviks did not really have a "Lenin" -- their leader, Martov, was much more a "first among equals" than a "man of destiny".
Further, Menshevik politics were "flabby" and often incoherent; they frequently combined a sound Marxist analysis with a bourgeois practical response. (!)
Consequently, when Bolsheviks and Mensheviks struggled with each other for control of the soviets during the summer of 1917, Lenin's "disciplined" approach and more consistent politics "paid off". The armed detachments formed by the factory committees and the soviets as well as the units of the old army that remained "took orders" from the Bolsheviks that they would probably never have taken from the Mensheviks -- even if the Mensheviks could have brought themselves to "give orders" in the first place.
When Lenin decided to "seize power" (stage a coup) on the evening before the first meeting of the All Russia Congress of Soviets, he was able to "order it done" and it was done.
So that's essentially what happened...could it have happened otherwise?
Both the actual material conditions and Russian revolutionary traditions suggest that underground political resistance, more or less disciplined, was indeed inevitable. Had Lenin not existed, someone "like" him would have almost certainly come forward to argue a similar perspective -- that the only "practical" way to carry out underground resistance is with a highly disciplined, professional, and centralized "combat organization".
Once you form such a group, its evolutionary path is obvious (to us, not necessarily to people living in those times). Because combat organizations are not "talking shops", talk gradually ceases...except at the top. It doesn't happen all at once, of course...it can take quite a long time. Then it stops at the top as well...you get a Stalin or a Mao.
This is especially likely in a country emerging from autocracy...it is "easy" to slide back into despotism. Many in the Russian countryside, again by contemporary reports, referred to Lenin as "the new Czar" -- it was intended as a compliment.
Material conditions can tell you a lot: Russia was not as peasant-dominated as China was -- but it did produce its own "early Mao". The peasant anarchist Nester Makhno, an enormously skillful guerrilla commander, would have almost certainly became "the new Czar" had his forces been victorious over the Bolsheviks...and today it would be anarchism that would be tarred with the brush of despotism rather than communism -- Makhno would have been compelled to do much of what Lenin did to "save the revolution".
As a unrepentant Marxist, I'm really sorry that Makhno didn't win.
This was a question addressed to me recently by a "desperate Leninist". He was implying, I suppose, that my criticisms of Lenin are "too harsh" -- Lenin could not be other than what he was, given the material reality of his times.
At the beginning of the 20th century, it was obvious to everyone in the tiny Russian Social-Democratic Labor Party that functioning in the way that social democratic parties functioned in Europe was simply impossible in Czarist Russia.
Even possession of Marxist literature was a crime in Russia then; there was certainly no way a "legal" political party could exist that promoted even western bourgeois ideas, much less Marxism.
But if you are compelled to operate "underground", what changes are required in your political and practical methods to make that "work"?
The first major controversy that Lenin became involved in was a very practical one -- how should a member of the RSDLP be formally defined? Lenin put forward a very "strict" definition: a member was defined as "one who works under the direction of a party group".
If you are operating underground, you want no "loose cannons" rolling about the countryside apt to do or say anything that might hurt the struggle.
Lenin went on to develop this insight into a theory of the revolutionary party as a "combat organization" waging a war against the Czarist autocracy.
Combat organizations have officers and soldiers; those who command and those who must carry out their orders or (quite literally) die trying.
Whether commanders or soldiers, they must be trained professionals -- Lenin heartily despised "amateurs" and "part-timers".
Combat organizations are not "talking shops" or "debating circles" (or, for that matter, internet message boards). The senior members of the party -- "the General Staff" -- might have many heated discussions on the best way forward. They almost all lived in exile and were free to meet as often as they wished, had time to write theoretical articles, etc. But "in the front lines", there's no time for debate and, indeed, it is actually dangerous. Meetings take place only to accomplish immediate practical tasks...too many gatherings can attract police attention.
It's unlikely that Lenin's ideas were "perfectly realized" -- politicized people "like" to argue politics and, especially in the larger Russian cities, I'm sure there was discussion and argument between party members. The Bolshevik wing of the RSDLP was not nearly as "monolithic" in practice as it was "on paper".
But balanced against this must be the fact of Lenin's personal charisma -- his admirers and supporters in the party were, by contemporary accounts, extraordinarily impressed with the man and gave his opinions "the benefit of the doubt".
This in spite of the fact that his conception of a revolutionary combat organization was actually less successful than the somewhat "looser" ideas of his rival Mensheviks -- at the time of the great uprising in Petrograd (February 1917), there were considerably more people (including workers) who supported the Mensheviks than who supported the Bolsheviks.
Of course, the Mensheviks also operated "underground" as did nearly everyone who actually wanted to do anything. But the Mensheviks did not really have a "Lenin" -- their leader, Martov, was much more a "first among equals" than a "man of destiny".
Further, Menshevik politics were "flabby" and often incoherent; they frequently combined a sound Marxist analysis with a bourgeois practical response. (!)
Consequently, when Bolsheviks and Mensheviks struggled with each other for control of the soviets during the summer of 1917, Lenin's "disciplined" approach and more consistent politics "paid off". The armed detachments formed by the factory committees and the soviets as well as the units of the old army that remained "took orders" from the Bolsheviks that they would probably never have taken from the Mensheviks -- even if the Mensheviks could have brought themselves to "give orders" in the first place.
When Lenin decided to "seize power" (stage a coup) on the evening before the first meeting of the All Russia Congress of Soviets, he was able to "order it done" and it was done.
So that's essentially what happened...could it have happened otherwise?
Both the actual material conditions and Russian revolutionary traditions suggest that underground political resistance, more or less disciplined, was indeed inevitable. Had Lenin not existed, someone "like" him would have almost certainly come forward to argue a similar perspective -- that the only "practical" way to carry out underground resistance is with a highly disciplined, professional, and centralized "combat organization".
Once you form such a group, its evolutionary path is obvious (to us, not necessarily to people living in those times). Because combat organizations are not "talking shops", talk gradually ceases...except at the top. It doesn't happen all at once, of course...it can take quite a long time. Then it stops at the top as well...you get a Stalin or a Mao.
This is especially likely in a country emerging from autocracy...it is "easy" to slide back into despotism. Many in the Russian countryside, again by contemporary reports, referred to Lenin as "the new Czar" -- it was intended as a compliment.
Material conditions can tell you a lot: Russia was not as peasant-dominated as China was -- but it did produce its own "early Mao". The peasant anarchist Nester Makhno, an enormously skillful guerrilla commander, would have almost certainly became "the new Czar" had his forces been victorious over the Bolsheviks...and today it would be anarchism that would be tarred with the brush of despotism rather than communism -- Makhno would have been compelled to do much of what Lenin did to "save the revolution".
As a unrepentant Marxist, I'm really sorry that Makhno didn't win.