Post by redstar2000 on Mar 17, 2004 6:52:03 GMT -5
On occasion, I'm not above a little self-flattery concerning my critique of Leninism...it doesn't seem to me that too many others have anticipated a lot of the things I've said about them.
But recently, my attention has been drawn (by the left-Menshevik Julius Martov) to some things that Marx and Engels had to say...both "about" Leninist parties and "about" the kinds of states they inevitably give rise to.
I know it appears "theological" to argue from "quotations"...and, as you know, I normally don't do that.
But just this once...
The Party and the Masses
If conditions have changed in the case of war between nations, this is no less true in the case of the class struggle. The time of surprise attacks, of revolutions carried through by small conscious minorities at the head of masses lacking consciousness is past. Where it is a question of a complete transformation of the social organisation, the masses themselves must also be in on it, must themselves already have grasped what is at stake, what they are fighting for, body and soul.
Introduction to Karl Marx's The Class Struggles in France, 1848-1850 by Frederick Engels (1895) (emphasis added)
This strongly suggests a very limited role for a "communist party"...surely far less ambitious than the Leninists proposed in the 20th century or now.
If the masses "must be conscious" (of the communist goal) then the "communist party" would simply dissolve itself (more or less rapidly) into the masses in the course of the revolutionary process.
Leninists might respond that it is not sufficient for the masses to be conscious of the goal of communism; they need "instruction" on "how" to get there...instruction by Leninist "experts", of course. But "instruction" is not the same as "command" -- which is what Leninists really intend.
Nor does "instruction" require a "disciplined core" of "leaders". Anyone of normal intelligence can learn the basics of communism and "instruct" others as interest grows.
The Party and the Revolution
The Blanquists [in the Paris Commune] fared no better. Brought up in the school of conspiracy, and held together by the strict discipline which went with it, they started out from the viewpoint that a relatively small number of resolute, well-organized men would be able, at a given favorable moment, not only to seize the helm of state, but also by energetic and relentless action, to keep power until they succeeded in drawing the mass of the people into the revolution and ranging them round the small band of leaders. This conception involved, above all, the strictest dictatorship and centralization of all power in the hands of the new revolutionary government.
On the 20th Anniversary of the Paris Commune by Frederick Engels (1891) (my emphasis)
Doesn't this parallel Lenin's outlook from October 1917 until his death? And haven't Leninists advocated this ever since...and implemented it whenever they had the opportunity?
They will force the proletariat to be "communist"...whether they like it or not. All "for their own good", of course. Think of it as ideological "toilet training".
What happens when Leninism fails?
All revolutions up to the present day have resulted in the displacement of the rule of one class by the rule of another; but all ruling classes up to now have been only small minorities in relation to the ruled mass of the people.
As a rule, after the first great success, the victorious minority split; one half was satisfied with what had been gained, the other wanted to go still further, and put forward new demands, which, partly at least, were also in the real or apparent interest of the great mass of the people. In isolated cases these more radical demands were actually forced through, but often only for the moment; the more moderate party would regain the upper hand, and what had been won most recently would wholly or partly be lost again; the vanquished would then cry treachery or ascribe their defeat to accident.
Introduction to Karl Marx's The Class Struggles in France, 1848-1850 by Frederick Engels (1895) (emphasis added)
Isn't this the constant lament of contemporary Leninists? "We were stabbed in the back" by Stalin or by Khrushchev or by Tito or by Chou en-Lai or by...whoever (the list is very long). "The revolution was betrayed!"
What really happened?
Incidentally, if the bourgeoisie is politically, that is, by its state power, “maintaining injustice in property relations”, it is not creating it. The “injustice in property relations” which is determined by the modern division of labour, the modern form of exchange, competition, concentration, etc., by no means arises from the political rule of the bourgeois class, but vice versa, the political rule of the bourgeois class arises from these modern relations of production which bourgeois economists proclaim to be necessary and eternal laws. If therefore the proletariat overthrows the political rule of the bourgeoisie, its victory will only be temporary, only an element in the service of the bourgeois revolution itself, as in the year 1794, as long as in the course of history, in its “movement”, the material conditions have not yet been created which make necessary the abolition of the bourgeois mode of production and therefore also the definitive overthrow of the political rule of the bourgeoisie. The terror in France could thus by its mighty hammer-blows only serve to spirit away, as it were, the ruins of feudalism from French soil. The timidly considerate bourgeoisie would not have accomplished this task in decades. The bloody action of the people thus only prepared the way for it. In the same way, the overthrow of the absolute monarchy would be merely temporary if the economic conditions for the rule of the bourgeois class had not yet become ripe. Men build a new world for themselves...from the historical achievements of their declining world. In the course of their development they first have to produce the material conditions of a new society itself, and no exertion of mind or will can free them from this fate.
Moralizing Criticism and Critical Morality 1847 The underlinings are Marx's; the bold is my emphasis.
This "nugget" is from a very obscure text that I had never come across before...but it makes a point that I have repeatedly raised: material conditions prevail!
The strength of "will" that the Leninists emphasize so much is futile if the material conditions for communist society are not present. Since all of the Leninist parties that actually made their own revolutions made them in semi-capitalist or pre-capitalist countries, they made them "in the service of the bourgeois revolution itself."
As we have seen.
Today, the only remaining viable Leninist parties are Leninist-Maoists...which lead or strongly influence peasant rebellions in a number of "third world" countries. What will happen if they win?
Marx just told you.#nosmileys#nosmileys
But recently, my attention has been drawn (by the left-Menshevik Julius Martov) to some things that Marx and Engels had to say...both "about" Leninist parties and "about" the kinds of states they inevitably give rise to.
I know it appears "theological" to argue from "quotations"...and, as you know, I normally don't do that.
But just this once...
The Party and the Masses
If conditions have changed in the case of war between nations, this is no less true in the case of the class struggle. The time of surprise attacks, of revolutions carried through by small conscious minorities at the head of masses lacking consciousness is past. Where it is a question of a complete transformation of the social organisation, the masses themselves must also be in on it, must themselves already have grasped what is at stake, what they are fighting for, body and soul.
Introduction to Karl Marx's The Class Struggles in France, 1848-1850 by Frederick Engels (1895) (emphasis added)
This strongly suggests a very limited role for a "communist party"...surely far less ambitious than the Leninists proposed in the 20th century or now.
If the masses "must be conscious" (of the communist goal) then the "communist party" would simply dissolve itself (more or less rapidly) into the masses in the course of the revolutionary process.
Leninists might respond that it is not sufficient for the masses to be conscious of the goal of communism; they need "instruction" on "how" to get there...instruction by Leninist "experts", of course. But "instruction" is not the same as "command" -- which is what Leninists really intend.
Nor does "instruction" require a "disciplined core" of "leaders". Anyone of normal intelligence can learn the basics of communism and "instruct" others as interest grows.
The Party and the Revolution
The Blanquists [in the Paris Commune] fared no better. Brought up in the school of conspiracy, and held together by the strict discipline which went with it, they started out from the viewpoint that a relatively small number of resolute, well-organized men would be able, at a given favorable moment, not only to seize the helm of state, but also by energetic and relentless action, to keep power until they succeeded in drawing the mass of the people into the revolution and ranging them round the small band of leaders. This conception involved, above all, the strictest dictatorship and centralization of all power in the hands of the new revolutionary government.
On the 20th Anniversary of the Paris Commune by Frederick Engels (1891) (my emphasis)
Doesn't this parallel Lenin's outlook from October 1917 until his death? And haven't Leninists advocated this ever since...and implemented it whenever they had the opportunity?
They will force the proletariat to be "communist"...whether they like it or not. All "for their own good", of course. Think of it as ideological "toilet training".
What happens when Leninism fails?
All revolutions up to the present day have resulted in the displacement of the rule of one class by the rule of another; but all ruling classes up to now have been only small minorities in relation to the ruled mass of the people.
As a rule, after the first great success, the victorious minority split; one half was satisfied with what had been gained, the other wanted to go still further, and put forward new demands, which, partly at least, were also in the real or apparent interest of the great mass of the people. In isolated cases these more radical demands were actually forced through, but often only for the moment; the more moderate party would regain the upper hand, and what had been won most recently would wholly or partly be lost again; the vanquished would then cry treachery or ascribe their defeat to accident.
Introduction to Karl Marx's The Class Struggles in France, 1848-1850 by Frederick Engels (1895) (emphasis added)
Isn't this the constant lament of contemporary Leninists? "We were stabbed in the back" by Stalin or by Khrushchev or by Tito or by Chou en-Lai or by...whoever (the list is very long). "The revolution was betrayed!"
What really happened?
Incidentally, if the bourgeoisie is politically, that is, by its state power, “maintaining injustice in property relations”, it is not creating it. The “injustice in property relations” which is determined by the modern division of labour, the modern form of exchange, competition, concentration, etc., by no means arises from the political rule of the bourgeois class, but vice versa, the political rule of the bourgeois class arises from these modern relations of production which bourgeois economists proclaim to be necessary and eternal laws. If therefore the proletariat overthrows the political rule of the bourgeoisie, its victory will only be temporary, only an element in the service of the bourgeois revolution itself, as in the year 1794, as long as in the course of history, in its “movement”, the material conditions have not yet been created which make necessary the abolition of the bourgeois mode of production and therefore also the definitive overthrow of the political rule of the bourgeoisie. The terror in France could thus by its mighty hammer-blows only serve to spirit away, as it were, the ruins of feudalism from French soil. The timidly considerate bourgeoisie would not have accomplished this task in decades. The bloody action of the people thus only prepared the way for it. In the same way, the overthrow of the absolute monarchy would be merely temporary if the economic conditions for the rule of the bourgeois class had not yet become ripe. Men build a new world for themselves...from the historical achievements of their declining world. In the course of their development they first have to produce the material conditions of a new society itself, and no exertion of mind or will can free them from this fate.
Moralizing Criticism and Critical Morality 1847 The underlinings are Marx's; the bold is my emphasis.
This "nugget" is from a very obscure text that I had never come across before...but it makes a point that I have repeatedly raised: material conditions prevail!
The strength of "will" that the Leninists emphasize so much is futile if the material conditions for communist society are not present. Since all of the Leninist parties that actually made their own revolutions made them in semi-capitalist or pre-capitalist countries, they made them "in the service of the bourgeois revolution itself."
As we have seen.
Today, the only remaining viable Leninist parties are Leninist-Maoists...which lead or strongly influence peasant rebellions in a number of "third world" countries. What will happen if they win?
Marx just told you.#nosmileys#nosmileys